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ETHNO-RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCE, RECURRENT VIOLENCE AND PEACE BUILDING IN NIGERIA: FOCUS ON BAUCHI, PLATEAU AND KADUNA STATES BY PROF. MUHAMMED TAWFIQ LADAN (Ph.D)
ETHNO-RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCE, RECURRENT
VIOLENCE AND PEACE BUILDING IN NIGERIA: FOCUS ON BAUCHI, PLATEAU AND KADUNA
STATES
BY
PROF. MUHAMMED TAWFIQ LADAN (Ph.D)
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC LAW, FACULTY OF LAW,
AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA, KADUNA
STATE, NIGERIA
EMAIL: mtladan@live.com,
mtladan@ymail.com and mtladan@gmail.com
BLOG SITE: - http://mtladan.blogspot.com/
BEING
A KEYNOTE PAPER PRESENTED AT
A
PUBLIC LECTURE/RESEARCH PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSIONS ON THE THEME: DIFFERENCE,
CONFLICT AND PEACE BUILDING THROUGH LAW
ORGANIZED BY:
EDINBURGH
CENTRE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL LAW (ECCL), UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH SCHOOL OF LAW, IN
ASSOCIATION WITH CENTRE FOR POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT, KADUNA
VENUE: - AREWA HOUSE, KADUNA
DATE: - THURSDAY, 22 NOVEMBER, 2012
ETHNO-RELIGIOUS
DIFFERENCE, RECURRENT VIOLENCE AND PEACE BUILDING IN NIGERIA: FOCUS ON BAUCHI,
PLATEAU AND KADUNA STATES
BY
Prof. Muhammed
Tawfiq Ladan (PhD)
INTRODUCTION
More than five decades ago, Nigerians felt the
need, irrespective of their ethnic, religious, cultural, geographical, and
economic differences, to support federalism as the best alternative system of
government. They believed that the federalism principle satisfies the urge of
the various entities to retain some of their cherished peculiar culture and
tradition while, at the same time, enabling them to unite into one nation. In
recent times, however, the federal system of government has witnessed serious
strains arising from political, ethnic
and religious conflicts.
One of the most disturbing developments is the
involvement of certain youths in recent inter-ethnic and religious conflicts in
Nigeria.
It is against this background that this paper
aims at realizing the following objective: -
i.
To identify the
role of law in society, particularly, constitutional law in the above context;
ii.
To explain why
ethnicity or religion per se is not a source of conflict;
iii.
To examine the
constitutional recognition of the ethnic and religious diversity of Nigeria;
iv.
To examine the
nature of, and factors responsible for, the recurrent identity-based violent
conflicts and collapse of building initiatives in Plateau, Kaduna and Bauchi
States; and,
v.
To conclude with
some viable options for peace in Nigeria.
1.
ROLE OF LAW IN SOCIETY
In its
relationship with society, law is viewed as an instrument of social change or
transformation by the sociological jurists. This is based on the premise that
society in which law operates, must be of respect for the rule of law and human
rights in order to have an orderly, stable and prosperous society.
That law in
society can play three distinct roles: - a proscriptive, protective and
instrumental roles.
i.
In its proscriptive
role, law is essentially concerned with proscribing certain forms of conduct and
imposing sanctions as a consequence of non-compliance or breach of societal
norms and values cherished most and selected for protection by the law of
crimes in society.
ii.
In its protective
role, law seeks to protect individuals and groups from adversity consequent
upon their status and vulnerability in society. Hence laws protecting against
discrimination, marginalization, exclusion, disadvantage, injustices,
inequities and socio-economic and political imbalances, labour, sexual and
economic exploitation, abuses and other human rights violations of one’s
privacy, human dignity etc are examples of this protective role.
iii.
The instrumental
role of law in society is perhaps the most far reaching and proactive, for it
seeks more than just to regulate the relationships between individuals in
society, but also to help change the underlying values and patterns of social
interaction that create vulnerability of people to practices, policies,
conflicts, epidemic etc in society.
The character of the Nigerian society that is founded on unity in
diversity in order to pursue divergent interests and at times both competing
and conflicting interests by various interest groups, needs the rule of law to
always prevail in our society. This is necessary because without it the Nigerian
society will not operate as an orderly, stable, secured and prosperous one.
2.
ETHNICITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT
An ethnic
group, unlike other interest groups, is normally regarded as a human community
that is distinguishable from others on the basis of obvious specific
characteristics such as cultural, linguistic, religious, physical, and/or
biological characteristics.
Research has
shown that ethnicity per se does not necessarily create destabilizing effects
for state and nation building.
Research has also
shown that among the major factors responsible for the heightening of ethnic
conflicts in Nigeria is obviously socio-economic imbalances or economics, which
often translates into political terms. This is very much so not only in
Nigeria, but also in Africa, because control of the political machinery creates
easy access to the national wealth, not only for the individual in authority,
but also for his immediate family members and ethnic group. Generally speaking,
ethnicity as a source of conflict results from long and persistent periods of
domination and unfair treatment or unresolved socio-economic and political
imbalances, injustices and inequities by the politically dominant ethnic
groups.
Where
politicians are unable to mobilize their supporters on the basis of some
ideological principles or other more universally unifying principles, the
resort to ethnicity becomes very attractive. In the first place, such an
approach “saves on organizational costs and secondly gives the political claims
of a group the seal of social justice, at least among its ethnic members.”
Political platforms become focalized around ethnic groups using assumed and
actual ethnic grievances as their manifestoes. Furthermore, problems of
everyday living and frustrations of irredeemable nature have exacerbated the
rumblings of ethnic nationalism not only in Africa, but in the world at large.
In Nigeria,
some degree of ethnicity always has exited among our people because of
differences in language and custom. Historically, the various ethnic groups did
not relate to one another in terms of hostility, but generally maintained
friendly relations through trade and social contacts, except when some
misunderstandings due to lack of communication or intolerance led to conflict.
3.
RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT
Religion has
been defined as a belief in God, the Creator of the whole Universe and all in
it, to whom the worship, homage, and obedience of man is due. It is a mode of
thinking, feeling, and acting which respects, trusts in, and strives after the
Divine. Religion is a system of faith and worship, it is a way of life
expressing love for and trust in God, and one will and effort to act according
to the will of God.
The Holy Books
of the two dominant and most widely spread religions in the world today (Islam
and Christianity) have shown that religion per se does not necessarily create
instability or destabilizing effects for nation-building. On the contrary, both
Prophets Muhammed and Jesus, who received Divine inspirations from the Almighty
God, presented religion to their followers and the rest of mankind as a means
of upholding justice and equity; as an agent of stability, peace, love and
unity of mankind; as a promoter of respect of the general human relations
between men; and as a foundation for the brotherhood of man.
Generally
speaking, religion as a source of conflict is the result of religious
intolerance, fanaticism, and politics. In Nigeria, the case has consistently
been made that Nigerians are a religious people and that whatever religion they
practice, they all desire to live in peace and worship in peace.
4. UNDERSTANDING THE NATURE OF, AND FACTORS
RESPONSIBLE FOR, IDENTITY-BASED CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA: - WITH PARTICULAR
REFERENCE TO BAUCHI, PLATEAU AND KADUNA STATES.
Identity-Based Conflicts (IBC) are conflicts rooted in people’s
psychology, culture, basic values, shared history and beliefs. IBC is best explained by the
psycho-cultural theory which shows how enemy images are created from
deep-seated attitudes about human action that are learned from early stages of
growth in the explanation of conflict. It
contends, therefore, that even though there are different forms of identities,
the one that is based on people’s ethnic origin and the culture that is learned
on the basis of that ethnic origin is one of the most important ways of
explaining violent conflict. Identity is thus seen to be the reason for social
conflicts. Psycho-cultural conflict theorists argue that social conflicts that
take long to resolve. However, despite their belief that ethnicity is the
biggest source of identity-based conflicts, those who hold this view agree that
this does not mean that conflict is unavoidable whenever that are ethnic differences become a possibility when
some groups are discriminated against or deprived of satisfaction of their
basic (material) and psychological (non-material) needs on the basis of their
identity.
The human needs theory describe the
process by which an individual or group seeks to satisfy a range of needs (physical,
psychological, social, economic and spiritual) moving from the basic ones such
as food, shelter and water to the highest needs that they described as
‘self-actualization’ – the fulfillment of one’s greatest human potential.
Scholars in this area see the recognition and protection of identity as the
most important even though there are other equally important needs for physical
security, food, political and economic empowerment and self-esteem.
It has been noted that social conflicts that take long to resolve are
identity-driven and grow out of the feelings of powerlessness and memories of
past persecution. A history of humiliation, oppression, victimization, feelings
of inferiority complex which wear away a person’s dignity and self-esteem and
lead people to resort to vengeance constitute part of what has been referred to
as the ‘pathological dimensions of ethnicity’.
The needs of love and self-esteem
among other non-material needs are part of a sense of security and safety that
individuals need for normal development; hence, when people feel they are
threatened, the reaction is usually unpredictable. The fears that individuals
and groups experience force them to see threats - whether real or imagined-,
and to suspect the motive of others around them. This tendency to see things in
a selective way is mostly due to a past history of competition for access to
power and scarce resources in which way the opposition most often comes out as
winners.
4.1 Factors
Responsible for the Recurrent Violent Conflicts and Collapse of Peace-Building
Initiatives in Plateau, Kaduna and Bauchi States
Instances
of major ethno-religious conflicts since the 1980s include: -
1)
Plateau
State: - (Mambilla/Banso/Kamba/Fulani violent attacks in Mambilla Plateau-early
1980s; the Jos indigene/settler conflicts in April 1994, September 2001 and the
unending cycle of violent conflicts/carnage/recrimination in Jos (2001 to
date);
2)
Bauchi
State: - Tafawa Balewa (1977, 1991, 1993) and the recurrent violent outbursts;
3)
Kaduna
State: - Kafanchan (1987), Zangon Kataf (1992) and the recurrent violent
conflicts: - Are all manifestations of identity-based conflicts arising from
indene/settler syndrome, elite politicization or manipulation of ethnicity and
religion for selfish ends, and the struggle for access to political power and
resources at all levels of governance.
Factors responsible for the recurrent violent conflicts and collapse of
peace-building initiatives in Plateau, Kaduna and Bauchi States include the
following: -
1.
The
crisis of citizenship and indigene/settler syndrome – arising from the struggle
by the elites over access to local power and resources.
2.
Identity-based/conflicts
manifesting in the perceived practice of discrimination and exclusion from
participation in socio-economic and political decision-making processes
affecting the lives of marginalized and disadvantaged groups results from
historical imbalances, injustices and inequities.
3.
Politicisation
of ethnicity and manipulation of religion for selfish ends.
4.
Ethno-religion
intolerance and lack of a culture of peace
5.
Negative
role of the media in conflict reporting.
6.
Unaddressed problem of the
deculturised youths and the paradoxes of Nigeria: This
factor stems from the unaddressed problem of the deculturised youths, who could
become potential recruit into the terrorist cells. The deculturised youths,
inter alia, suffer from poverty, unemployment, destitution, lack of education,
or even, disillusionment after education and ultimately become frustrated and
alienated from society. This reserve of individuals thereby become ready to put
their own and other peoples’ lives at risk in the carrying out of especially
violent crimes in society. This class of youths sees no one being interested in
them, and they, have no approval reference point anymore within the legitimate
society. Therefore, organized criminal syndicates certainly finds them useful,
and usually gives them help, protection, and an element of identification with
an authority figure, but harnessing their aggressive and destructive drives for
the benefit of their syndicates.
A nation full of paradoxes ranging
from: - a land of poverty in the midst of plenty; widening income inequality,
rising high cost of governance to growing insecurity and unemployment rates
amongst educated, able-bodied and combat ready youths/graduates of secondary
and tertiary institutions.
First, is the paradox of Nigeria: - a
land of poverty, high unemployment rate, endemic corruption and wide income
inequality, in the midst of plenty. According to the 2007 Human Rights Watch
Report, the endemic nature of corruption in Nigeria has led to the loss of US
Dollars 380 billion between 1960-1999. A Global Financial Integrity Initiative
Report dated January 2011 estimated that US$ 130 billion dollars worth of
illicit financial dollars to the fuel subsidy racket alone brings our national
loss due to corruption to over $500 billion dollars between 1960 and 2011.
Hence, corruption diverts resources into graft-rich public works projects, at a
cost to education and health services. Corruption destroys a nation’s social
and human capital, by discouraging corruption is even more damaging than
terrorism/insurgency, perhaps it is the single greatest obstacle to both human
and national development.
Income inequality is another serious
problem. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), in 2010 65% of
Nigeria’s wealth is owned by just 20% of the population (i.e. 32 million out of
160 million). Thus 80% of the population share between them only about one
third (1/3) of the nation’s wealth.
Nigeria is richly endowed with human
and natural resources particularly oil and gas as well as 34 solid mineral
resources such as gold, coal and sulphur. With a nominal Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) of $280 billion dollars in 2011, Nigeria is the second largest economy in
Africa; the sixth fastest growing economy in Africa with a Real GDP economic
growth rate of 6.9% in 2011; the largest producer of oil in Africa and the
seventh largest in the world in 2011. With a population of about 160 million in
2011, Nigeria is by far the most populous country in Africa, accounting for 47%
and 2% of West Africa’s and global population respectively.
Despite this rich human and natural
resource endowment, Nigeria’s GDP per capita is only $1,200 dollars; average
life expectancy at 51.9%, average years of schooling at 5.0% rate and poverty
is widespread, with about 70% of the population living below the poverty line
in 2011. Hence, Nigeria was ranked by the UNDP 2011 Report on UN quality of
life/Human Development Index as the 156 out of 187, among the “least human
development” countries globally in terms of income, education and life
expectancy.
Despite a plethora of development
policies and programmes, Nigeria’s level of economic development over the past
five decades has been disappointing. The country’s economy is dominated by the
primary production sector, with agriculture, which is predominantly practiced
by peasantry with low and declining productivity, accounting for 41.6% of GDP,
followed by crude oil 15% in 2011, while the secondary sector, especially
manufacturing, has stagnated at 3.7 to 3.9% of GDP in 2011. This makes Nigeria
one of the least industrialized countries in Africa.
For an agricultural nation, it is a paradox
that 41% of Nigerians, nearly 70 million (out of 160 million), are classified
as “food poor” in 2010. The zonal distribution tells a deeper story. About 52%
of the people living in the North-West and North-East, 39% of the
North-Central, 41% of the South-East, 36% of the south-South and 25% of the
South-West are hardly able to feed themselves.
Hence, the paradox of Nigeria with
widespread and endemic poverty in the midst of plenty. The question then is,
Why does the second wealthiest nation in Africa and a country not lacking in
resources or manpower, have a human development index that is lower than the
average in Sub-Saharan Africa? Why do the great majority of Nigerians lack
access to clean and safe water, electricity and other basic necessities? Why
are over 14 million educated youths unemployed, forcing them to engage in
fraudulent and cybercrimes?
Though Nigeria is a country of
paradox, overall, the country has the potential to build a prosperous economy,
reduce poverty significantly, and provide the basic social and economic
services its population needs. However, several years of military rule, poor
public expenditure management, over-dependence on oil and unmitigated
rent-seeking behavior to amass wealth from the nation’s treasury have conspired
to undermine the country’s development.
5.
CONSTITUTIONAL RECOGNITION OF THE ETHNIC AND
RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY IN NIGERIA
Without doubt,
the framers of the 1999 Constitution, like all the previous constitutions, had
the intention of using the provisions on citizenship and fundamental rights to
promote the national political objectives of building a united and free society
for all Nigerians, and to as much as possible, promote reciprocal obligations
between state and citizens. This is in keeping with the vision of the founding
fathers of modern Nigeria as espoused in the anti-colonial struggle, which led
to the attainment of independence on October 1, 1960. These objectives
re-echoed in many important national documents such as the Second National
Development Plan and the various constitutions of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria. The Second national development Plan clearly states that the goal of
national development is to build a strong and buoyant economy, a free,
democratic and egalitarian society in which no one is oppressed on the basis of
sex, ethnic and religious differences.
The provisions
on Citizenship and Fundamental Rights in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria are contained in chapters 3 and 4 respectively. The most
salient provisions are as follows. Chapter 3 which focuses on Citizenship
basically contains provisions relating to citizenship by birth, registration
and naturalization in addition to provisions relating to dual citizenship,
renunciation and deprivation of citizenship. While chapter 4 provides a
detailed checklists of the fundamental rights which are the entitlements of
Nigerian citizens. These include the right to life, right to the dignity of the
human person, the right to personal liberty as well as the right to freedom of
thought, conscience and religion, right to freedom of expression and the press,
the right to freedom from discrimination, the right to freedom of movement and
the right to acquire and own immovable property.
As can be
gleaned from the above, there is nothing to suggest that the enjoyment of these
rights have discriminatory application. A reading of other relevant provisions
of the constitution lends credence to the point that the promotion of the
political objectives of national integration and cohesion are of central
concern to the constitution. For instance, Chapter 2, Section 14(3) provides as
follows:
The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its
agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner
as to reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national
unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall
be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other
sectional groups in that government or any of its agencies.
However, this
provision has made it more convenient for the aspiring politicians and
ambitious elite to hang on to birth and descent criteria to determine
citizenship.
Section 14(4)
calls on the states and local governments in the country to implement the
federal character principle. Furthermore, Section 15(3) of the same chapter
states that: “For the purpose of promoting national integration, it shall be
the duty of the state to (a) provide adequate facilities for and encourage free
mobility of people, goods and services throughout the Federation’ (b) secure full residence rights for every
citizen in all parts of the Federation.” It is also instructive to note that
the Constitution allows anyone to contest election anywhere he/she wishes, as
indigeneity is not a requirement for election into such bodies as the Senate,
the Federal House of Representatives, or the State Houses of Assembly. The
1999 Constitution goes further to encourage “inter-marriage among persons from
different places of origin, or of different religious, ethnic or linguistic
associations or ties in Section 15 (3c).
What seem
problematic however is the constitutional provisions regarding the
implementation of the federal character principle.
In this sense
the most problematic aspect of the issue of citizenship derives from the way in
which the ‘indigeneity’ clause in the 1979 constitution has tended to
legitimize discriminatory practices against Nigerians of certain ethnic and
linguistic backgrounds especially for
those who reside within a state, which is “not their own”. According to the
constitution, “indigeneship” of a state is conferred on a person whose parents
or grandparents were members of a community indigenous to a particular state.
The 1999
Constitution which resulted from the amendment of the 1979 Constitution, despite
the recognition of the controversy generated by the “indigeneity” clause,
retained it in similar sections regarding the implementation of the federal
character principle. The caveat to Section 147 regarding the appointment of
Ministers seem to suggest that the notion of “indigeneity” can hardly be
expunged from the constitution. It states: “Provided
that in giving effect to the provisions aforesaid the President shall appoint
at least one Minister from each state, who shall be an indigene of such state.
(emphasis
added). What this means in effect is that, Nigerians who cannot prove
that they are indigenes of a state cannot be appointed into such
ministerial positions no matter the
length of their residence.
The
implication is that a tension exists between the formal provisions in the
constitution on citizenship and fundamental rights on the one hand, and the
practical application of these rights because of notions such as “indigenes”,
“natives” and “settlers”. These categories have tended to undermine the very
essence of Nigerian citizenship in the sense that one is not really a citizen
of Nigerian, but only a citizen of the place to which he/she is indigenous. The
result is that it has created a multi-layered system of citizenship as follows:
i.
Those most
privileged are those who belong to the indigenous communities of the state in
which they reside.
ii.
Those citizens who
are indigenes of other states are less favoured.
iii.
The least favoured
are those citizens who are unable to prove that they belong to a community
indigenous to any state in Nigeria.
iv.
Women who are
married to men from states other their own are in a dilemma as they can neither
be accepted in their “states of origin” or that of their husbands.
In addition to these, it is particularly difficult for migrants in rural
locations to have access to farmlands because indigeneity implies membership of
the local ethnic community which also gives undue power to the traditional
ruler in regulating access to land understood as the collective, natural possession
of the ethnic group. Hence the practical use of the terms “indigenes”,
“natives” and “settlers” are at conflict with the idea and practice of national
citizenship in Nigeria.
What all this means is that the ethnic category on which the definition
of citizenship hinges is a very fluid category. It partly explains why the
political disputations arising from contradictory notions of citizenship often
leads to conflict and violence. In some instances, the groups at conflict over
such claims are not necessarily from different ethnic groups. The groups at
conflict may thus be sub-ethnic communities of the same ethnic group as is the
case of the recurrent Ife/Modakeke conflict.
The dilemma of citizenship created by notions such as “natives”,
“indigenes” and by extension, “statism” is real.
This multi-layered system of citizenship breed confusion and
controversy, it inhibits the development of national unity and the evolution of
a harmonious political community. One obvious consequence is that it inevitably
engenders discrimination in jobs, lands purchase, housing, and admission into
educational institutions, marriages, business transactions, and the
distribution of social welfare services. Many Nigerians are therefore forced to
limit their social and political horizons as the only levels of realizing the
essence of citizenship is the lowest level of identity.
6.
THE CHALLENGE OF ADDRESSING THE IMPACT OF
ETHNO-RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS AND INSECURITY IN NIGERIA
Conflict
creates enormous insecurity in the society with tremendous impact on
individuals, social groups, communities and the nation in general. The impacts
include:
·
Loss of lives and
property: examples include the recent tit for tat in the Jos carnage 2009-2011
and in Bauchi, Kaduna, Kano, Borno and Yobe States.
·
Social dislocations
and displacement – Examples would include the recent forced displacement of
about 550,000 IDPs between 2009 and 2011 from Plateau, Bauchi and Kaduna States
(See NCFR 2011 Report; NEMA 2010-2011 Report on IDPs in Nigeria).
·
Social tensions and
new patterns of settlement – Muslims moving to Muslim dominated areas and
Christians migrating to Christian dominated areas in Plateau, Bauchi and Kaduna
States.
·
Crisis over the
question of citizenship. Hostility between ‘indigenes’ and ‘settlers’.
·
Disruption of
family and communal life
·
General atmosphere
of mistrust, fear, and frenzy
·
Dehumanization of
women and children e.g. Rape, child neglect/abuse in IDP camps;
·
Deepening of hunger
and poverty in the society
·
Atmosphere of
political insecurity and instability including declining confidence in the
political leadership and apprehension about the system.
Hence the
challenge is how to address effectively the above mentioned impact.
7.
THE CHALLENGE OF ADDRESSING THE NEGATIVE ROLE OF
COMMUNICATION/THE PRESS IN CONFLICT SITUATIONS
In a
multiethnic and multi-religious Nigerian society, a conflict may be defined as
a breakdown in communication between two or more parties of differing
ethno-religious and political backgrounds. Hence, communication plays significant
roles in the determination of the phases of a conflict. It can push a conflict
in a constructive or destructive direction. E.g., the use of provocative or
confrontational or derogatory remarks/language in ethno-religious and political
conflicts is often seen as part of the power game conflict. More often than
not, each party to a dispute considers it strategically beneficial to demonize
the other party. The more evil things are said about the other party, the more
it is assumed that the battle is won.
Media reports
of conflict situations in Nigeria have hardly changed since the first republic.
A lot of biases and prejudices, which of course can only cause more problems,
are brought to bear on news reporting in different parts of the country.
The problem is
compounded when the role of the press in a conflict situation is seen to be
that of “rumor mongering,” distortion of the truth with the intent of
destroying a party in the dispute, misrepresenting the opinion of one person
for the opinion of a group to which he belongs, subjectively quoting people out
of context, reporting from only one side of the conflict and thus misleading
the readers to believe that only that perspective is available and right, use
of language that is pervaded by the doctrine of ethnic nationalism,
dramatization of conflict situations, and heroization of violence with a view
to selling more copies of their newspapers or magazines, etc.
A case is not being
made here for the suppression of the truth by journalists in the attempt to
prevent violent conflict. What is advocated is that journalists should be
objective in their reporting, though it was recently observed, “an objective
scientist or journalist cannot exist.” Journalists can achieve a good measure
of objectivity by providing unbiased coverage of both sides in the conflict,
presenting all facts considered to be true, and not taking sides by what they
write.
8.
CONCLUSION AND VIABLE OPTIONS FOR
NIGERIA
It is evident
from the above analysis that although ethno-religious diversity has its
negative consequences, it is not without merit. Hence maintaining the argument
that neither ethnicity nor religion per se is a source of conflict except where
either one is politicized or manipulated for selfish gains or due to intolerance
by the disputants.
The law, especially
constitutional law, could be used as a progressive vehicle for the prevention
and management of the root causes of conflicts and for the achievement of unity
in diversity by adopting the following viable options as the way forward.
9.
WHICH WAY FORWARD FOR PEACE IN NIGERIA
The lesson we
have attempted to convey is that in situations of conflict, no matter the type,
disputants should watch what they say or write. Confrontational language or
adjectives should be avoided as much as possible, rather, each party to the
dispute should use language that leaves some room for peaceful settlement of
the disputes. The use of ambivalent language, could lead to the escalation of
conflicts. Therefore, the parties to a dispute should select their language so
that they are not misinterpreted.
Something
particular has to be said about the role of the media in peace building and
peacemaking. The constructive role of the media in a conflict situation is to
help educate people about what is going on, control dangerous rumors that could
get out of hand and produce violence, and provide a trusted source of
information for all sides. This objective is often difficult in situations
where journalists give more attention to sensational news reporting that
enables them sell more copies of their papers than to patriotic considerations.
It must be noted, however, that there are situations where Nigerian journalists
are denied access to news from all sides of ethnic and religious conflicts in
the country. They therefore often have to report from whatever perspective is
best available to them. This does not mean that some of them do not
deliberately suppress the truth in a selfish attempt to put one of the parties
to the dispute in a bad light. The latter does not help peace development and
needs to be avoided.
Much work
needs to be done to educate the public on the need for tolerance and peaceful
coexistence in a multireligious society such as Nigeria. That we are part and
parcel of a changing world, and that the process is a continuing one from which
fresh and exacting challenge will emanate periodically, should be matters of
national discourse and understanding. Accordingly, the sharp edges of
ethnicity, statism, and religion should be gradually curtailed or be eliminated
with a view to fostering growth and development of Nigerian citizenship and
nationality. Surely, religious or ethnic annihilation or cleansing is one wrong alternative of operating or
understanding the rich diversity of the Nigerian federation.
The importance
of youth in Nigeria’s social development need not be overlooked; they
(15-30-year-olds) make up about 59 percent of the population and constitute
more than 45 percent of the country’s productivity sector. Analyses of the role
and manipulation/exploitation of the youth in the three decades of ethnic and
religious conflicts done by this writer elsewhere reveal serious gaps in
societal responsibility toward its future generation. In the context of
Nigeria’s history, the youths have rendered valuable positive contributions to
the struggle for independence and national development. They constitute a
reservoir of energy and dynamism when properly guided and fully integrated into
the social fabric of society. Equally, they may also constitute a threat to the
national survival and stability if allowed to drift, to become unemployed,
intolerant, or without moral upbringing. Once the youths’ innate potentials are
fully developed and nurtured, they will serve as an immense asset to the
nation, transmitting knowledge, leadership skills, ambition, and dreams that
promote both conflict and productivity.
With
appropriate training and guidance, youths can meet the manpower needs of the
country and, if they are able to develop talents and are inculcated with a
sense of responsibility, they can make positive contribution to national
development. It is in recognition of this fact that attention is being drawn to
the need for Nigerian youths to be provided with the following:
1.
Opportunities for
self-fulfillment;
2.
Scope and outlet
for their patriotism, commitment, and enthusiasm;
3.
Employment
opportunities;
4.
Moral guidance,
discipline, and selfless service;
5.
Opportunities so
that they can be seen, heard, and listened to;
6.
Orientation to
promote the interest and defend the unity of Nigeria;
7.
Educational
opportunities to enable them develop
their potentialities to the fullest; and
8.
Opportunities to
meet one other, exchange ideas, and study the country’s diverse religions and
cultures.
This
comprehensive youth development program, if provided or vigorously implemented
by the government in collaboration with the private sector, should resolve the
many problems of youth crime and conflict in Nigerian society, and effectively
orient youth for patriotic service to the nation and make them act as agents of
stability, peace and tolerance.
9.1 Constitutional
Reform Issues: - There is need for
the political will to confront the issue of building a national citizenship in
the country through a reform of the Nigerian constitution. With specific
reference to the provisions on citizenship, suggested constitutional amendments
are as follows:
i.
There is need to
add a new section after S. 31 e.g. Section 32 to be titled Residency Rights.
The new section should provide that a Nigerian citizen who has resided
continuously for a period of five or ten years in any state of the federation
and performs his/her civic duties including paying taxes, shall be entitled to
all the rights and privileges of the state. This will be in accord with the
practice in most federations, and will strengthen the provisions in the
Constitution, which removes restrictions on, who can contest elections from
where in the country.
ii.
There is need to
reform the proviso to Section 147 of the Constitution which states that those
to be appointed Ministers from each State of the Federation must be indigenes
of the State. In this sense, indigenes are defined as those who meet five or
ten years residency requirement.
iii.
There is need to
state in express terms that a woman married to any man from a state other than
her own should have the right to choose which of the states to claim as her
own.
iv.
As a means of
promoting social citizenship, there is need to make the provisions on Social
and Economic Rights justiciable. The import of this derives from the fact that
lack of access of most Nigerians to the basic means of livelihood is at the
root of the various communal strife in Nigeria.
v.
There is need to
entrench independent commissions in the constitution to monitor the implementation
of some of the provisions in the constitution. Such commissions include Gender
and Social Justice Commission, National Orientation and Mobilisation Commission
and National Human Rights Commission with powers to investigate and punish. It
is a requirement that such commissions be truly independent and funded from the
Consolidated Fund.
9.2 Conflict
Prevention and Peace - Building
The country
has witnessed recurrent conflicts since the attainment of independence.
Government response to these conflicts which is largely characterized by a
“fire brigade” approach, points to the absence of a systematic and
institutionalized way of obtaining early warming signal. If such is in place,
it would be possible to anticipate conflicts by detecting the various flashpoints
of violent conflicts that have torn many communities asunder.
For the
purpose therefore, of designing effective conflict prevention and
peace-building strategy, government needs to put in place the structure,
requisite personnel and equipment for monitoring conflicts and transform
existing conflict situations into enduring and sustainable peace.
However, it is
a requirement for success that such conflict management schemes be inclusive to
include community leaders (of both “settlers” and “natives”), religious
leaders, traditional rulers, CBOs and NGOs involved in conflict management and
human rights, intellectuals and researchers, and women groups and leaders.
In recognition
of the role of the media in promoting conflicts through information (mis)management,
it is necessary to expose media practitioners to the importance and need for
moderation, less sensationalism, integrity and professionalism. This can be
done through continuing peace education workshops and seminars aimed at
sensitizing media practitioners to the national political objectives of
building a united, strong and prosperous society in the context of diversity
and pluralism.
9.3 Governance
and Policy Issues
Apart from the
constitutional issues identified above, there are issues that are located in
the realms of governance and policy. The imperative of governance and policy
issues arise from the larger economic and political context which frames
ethno-religious and communal conflicts rooted in the crisis of citizenship. It
is obvious that mass poverty and lack of access to the basic means of
livelihood for most Nigerians contributes significantly to divisive politics
based on the manipulation of ethnic and cultural differences. The absence of
social citizenship therefore is a key issue that needs to be addressed by
putting in place a framework of governance and public policy that can alleviate
mass poverty and enhance the economic empowerment of the vast majority of the
Nigerian people. Specific issues to pay attention are:
i.
The need to
strengthen democratic governance by promoting transparency and accountability.
In this regard, government is called upon to strengthen the institutions for
promoting accountability and transparency and ensuring that corrupt public
officials are subjected to the full weight of the law.
ii.
The need for
government to promote vigorously economic policies that can galvanise the
productive and creative energies of the Nigerian people as opposed to the
pursuit of macro-economic policies imposed by the IMF and the World Bank which
have the consequence of retarding growth and resulting in mass economic
disempowerment of the Nigerian populace. Economic policies capable of providing
the basis for sustainable human development must emphasis social welfare,
poverty alleviation and popular participation.
iii.
The need to promote
equitable and balanced socio-economic development in the country by ensuring
that resources are distributed in a manner that favours all the ethnic and
regional homelands.
iv.
There is need to
demonstrate commitment to due process and the rule of law.
REFERENCES
1)
See Rothman, J.,
Resolving Identity-Based Conflicts: - In Nations, Organisations and Communities
(San Francisco: - Jossey-Bass Publishers, USA, 1997, at p.18).
2)
See Ross, M.,
(1993) The Management of Conflict: - Interpretations and Interests in
comparative Perspective. New Haven: - Yale University Press, USA, at p.18.
3)
See Burton, J.,
(1990) Conflict: - Human Needs Theory. London: - Macmillan.
4)
See Lake, D., and
Rothschild, D., ‘Containing Fear: - The origins and Management of Ethnic
Conflict’, in International security, vol. 21, No. 2, Fall 1996.
5)
See Rotimi, T.S.,
Ethnic Minority Conflicts and Governance in Nigeria (1996) Spectrum Books
Ibadan, Nigeria, at pp.66-79.
6)
See Ladan M.T.
(2001): - ‘Constitutionalism and Challenges of Ethnic and Religious Diversity
inn Nigeria’, in New Nigerian Newspapers, Kaduna, September 18, 2011 at
pp.20-21.
7)
See Ladan M.T.,
‘Criminal Justice System and the New Security Challenges in Nigeria’, (2011) in
New Nigerian Newspapers, Kaduna, Monday 12th and Wednesday 14th
September 2011 at pp.20-21.
8)
See Glowa, J.H.P.,
and Ojiji O.O. (ed.)(2008): - Dialogue on citizenship in Nigeria. Institute for
Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja, Nigeria.
9)
See National
Planning Commission and National Bureau of Statistics, Abuja (2006): - Economic
Performance Review at pp. 63-67, also see National Bureau of Statistics
(2006-11): - CWIQ Survey Social Statistics Report (2009) and Nigeria in
Figures.
10)
National Bureau of
Statistics, Abuja (2011) quoted the Statistician General of the Federal, Dr.
Kale Oyeyemi, in the Daily Trust Newspaper, Abuja, Friday, January 6, 2012 at
p. 20.
11)
See National
Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Abuja (2011): - Records of IDPs in Nigeria:
- October 2010 – October 2011). See also National Commission for Refugees
(NCFR), Abuja (2011) Table 1, of the Federal Commissioner’s Presentation to the
Canadian embassy delegation (Jan. 2011).
12)
See Okoye, F. (ed.),
92000): - Victims: - Impact of Religious and Ethnic Conflicts on Women and
Children in Northern Nigeria. Human Rights Monitor, Kaduna, at pp. xv and 8.
13)
See Abdulkareem, M.
and M. Haruna (ed.) (2010): - The Paradox of Boko Haram. Moving Image
Publishers, Kano, Nigeria, at pp. 27-39.
14)
See Ladan, M.T.
“Role of Youth in Inter-Ethnic an Religious Conflicts: - The Kaduna/Kano Case
Study”; See also Inter-Ethnic and Religious Conflict Resolution in Nigeria
(ed.) E.E. Uwazie, I.O Albert, G.N. Uzoigwe, Lexington Books, Maryland, USA
(1999) at pp.97-111.
15)
Ladan M.T. (2012):
- Impact of Insecurity in the North on Internally Displaced Persons and
Migration Flows between Nigeria and Neighbouring Countries. Being a
Paper Presentation made at the Forum of
European Union Working Group on Migration and Development. Organized by the
Delegation of European Union to Nigeria. Held at EU Meeting Room 1,
(Portakabin) 21ST Crescent, off Constitution Avenue, CBD, Abuja on
May 31, 2012.
16)
See Otive 1 and Bamidele O. (ed.) Contentious Issues
in the Review of the 1999 Constitution (2002) Citizens, Forum for
Constitutional Reform, Lagos, at pp. 55-72.
17) See
generally Adebayo Adedeji (ed.) Comprehending and Mastering African Conflict:
The Search for Sustainable Peace and Good Governance (1999), Zed Books London
in Association ACDESS, Ijebu Ode, Ogun State, Nigeria.
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